EADI/GTZ Workshop on 10./11. November 2008, Eschborn


Gender and Corruption

by Christine Müller (EADI/GTZ) and Mareike Zenker (GTZ)

The aim of the two day workshop was to synthesise present knowledge about the nexus between gender and corruption. Fighting against corruption and the promotion of gender equality are vital forces when it comes to effectivity of development cooperation. The present aid effectiveness agenda and new aid modalities raise several new questions. Amongst the central questions concerned is the effectiveness of aid for women and men on the background of existing forms of corruption.

It was a priori intention of the workshop organisers (a joint cooperation between GTZ/EADI) to discuss the topic with actors of civil society as well as representatives of development organisations and science in order to address the variety of research approaches and the activities, strategies and policies dealing with the topic. Presentations and discussions were scheduled along four guiding topics: (1) Experiences of international organisations, (2) country examples, (3) gender and corruption in sectors, (4) different research approaches to gender and corruption. During the two days we had a mix of presentations, exchange and discussions in smaller groups and an open, interactive forum in participation with colleagues from GTZ.

It was not possible to single out universally valid causalities between gender and corruption. However, several case studies give evidence that agencies of women and men are interwoven within three intersections: existing unequal social power relations (e.g. patron-client) and unequal gender relations coupled with a lack of information. Victoria Pereyra Iraola (CIPPEC, Argentina) gave an empirical record of the impact of strong clientelistic networks on gender and corruption. In a national Argentina-wide programme on Cash Conditional Transfer targeting poor, unemployed people, accountability structures are weakened at the community level leading to an abuse of money, as even government employees are registered as beneficiaries of the programme. In this context, men strongly exercise power over female beneficiaries: women are two times more likely to be victims of clientelist manipulation. Patrons such as the coordinators of the programme demand money, inappropriate work or exercise sexual harassment. Although different systems for complaints exist, the direct and personal dependency structure between service delivery and beneficiary includes the danger of a further repression of claimers. In such a context, depersonalized and anonymous channels such as free telephone hotlines, a gender sensitive system of protection and a gender sensitive human rights approach framing social services within a transparent and accountable system have to chance in order to reduce corrupt practices and to empower poor women.

Political and bureaucratic corruption also frames the health sector, for instance in Nicaragua.  Maria Seppänen (Finland/Luxembourg) followed this argument from a field study from Nicaragua, which was part of a comprehensive and comparative study on gender and corruption in Nicaragua and Tanzania supported by the Finish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Worldwide, the health sector ranges amongst the top four of corrupt sectors. The main forms of corruption are: theft, bribes and absenteeism. On the demand side, women as clients, be it for themselves or as caretakers of their children, are forced to engage in informal payment in order to get medical services. The availability of public services is not only coupled with corrupt practices, but due to its financial implications excludes especially poor women and their children from medical services. One response towards existing corrupt networks would be the formation of a system of control and sanctions such as between claim centres, NGOs and media. Waly Wane (World Bank, Washington) also pays attention to the health sector in Tajikistan. His focus is on the supply side and on individual motives for corruption on the side of women and men. The power difference between doctor and patient permeates corrupt practices. In a risky free environment, with the absence of control and of sanctions, female doctors demand informal payments similarly to male doctors, only less aggressive. Anti-corruption strategies should introduce a system of accountability and transparency linked with a strong separation between public and private sectors in order to stop, for instance, the stealing of medical equipment of hospitals for private purposes or the transfer of patients from public clinics to private ones.

In the context of high personal dependency and poverty, Lilian Ekeanyanwu (Technical Unit on Governance and Anti-Corruption Reforms, Nigeria) introduced the term “body currency” which means, that in corrupt situations women pay with their body, expressed in human trafficking, prostitution, illicit abortion or sex for grades in the education sector. She links the nexus of gender and corruption to the Millennium Development Goals and asks the central question on how the Millennium Development Goals, in particular MDG 1 (eradicate extreme poverty and hunger), 2 (achieve universal primary education), 3 (promote gender equality and empower women) and 4 (improve maternal health) can ever be achieved while being linked to the different facets of body currency? These interfaces are often neglected by researchers or policy makers.

A similar question can be asked with regard to the economic empowerment of women. Seta Iskandarian (OSCE, Armenia) pointed out that female as well as male small business owners in Armenia, are asked for bribes during the registration process of the business, but in particular women face a lack of social network as well as of information on their legal and tax rights. The OSCE Anti-Corruption Center in Armenia takes up the following, amongst many other, measures: the dissemination of information, trainings and consulting services such as on civic and labour rights or on social and security laws. One challenge to be taken up is to employ a gender mainstreaming strategy into ongoing anti-corruption measures and to empower women to participate in anti-corruption authorities and agencies.

Nghoto wa Kariuki/Susan Awasa as well as Hon Nod Evina/Prudence Galega from Cameroon pay attention to the fact that corruption limits the access of women to economic, political, social rights and to services and to the multiple linkages existing between social, political and economic sectors with corruption. Similar experiences were expressed by Damilola Agbalajobi (Redeemers University, Nigeria). Countries such as Nigeria or Cameroon have implemented different complementary strategies such as poverty reduction, governance and specific anti-corruption strategies. An international partnership consortium (Change habits of corruption, CHOC) has been established in Cameroon with the aim to fight corruption by supporting different independent authorities and agencies. Although gender mainstreaming has merely been integrated into these policies and activities, actors coming from civil society organisations push towards its implementation and promote for instance gender-oriented participatory budgeting planning. The integration of a gender perspective and of anti-corruption measures into aid effective policies is expected to guarantee a more sustainable development.

Roohi Metcalfe (UNDP, Bangkok) gave an insight into UNDP´s global efforts on anti-corruption for development effectiveness. UNDP´s mandate is to promote democratic governance (responsiveness, accountability, participation, non-discrimination, transparency). She strongly supports the integration of a gender mainstreaming policy into the United Nations Convention to fight against Corruption (UNCAC), and supports gender-disaggregated data and the development of gender-sensitive indicators in anti-corruption measures.

Different research approaches nurture the lively debate on gender and corruption. Björn Frank (University of Kassel) explained the results of laboratory experiments in order to get micro-data on female and male agencies of corruption. As a result, women are intrinsically not more honest than men, but they engage less in corrupt transactions and networks than men. A crucial aspect is trust, whereas women are less motivated of supporting trust in corrupt networks. Conducted with an insight perspective, Abu Hena Reza Hasan (University of Dhaka, Bangladesh) findings from a recent survey in Bangladesh suggest that professions with higher income and education are more likely to be considered and perceived as corrupt. These positions are crucially linked with decision-making power. It is therefore not surprising that corruption became a social norm of the elite class. He argues against a feminisation of professions as a measure against corruption, since women show preference to hold corrupt positions.

The various analysis of presentations have proven that simplified causalities on the nexus gender and corruption have to be replaced by a differentiated perspective, connecting the individual with the systemic level as well as including social and power differences, systemic corruption (political/bureaucratic) and their linkages to gender relation. The sheer number of women, such as a numerically equal representation in professions, agencies or authorities is not an indicator for the degree of corruption as such. Inequalities, network structures and the quality of the environment (political system, sector) are further determining forces of corruption. Some principles supporting a gender equality and anti-corrupt environment are:

  • Transparency
  • Downward accountability
  • Public claim systems
  • Division of public and private services and resources
  • Integration of various stakeholder groups

The following recommendations support gender equality and anti-corruption activities:

o   Research: support of empirical research and surveys to develop a deeper understanding of the linkages between corruption and the promotion of gender equality  (e.g. on the question of what types of corruption affect women empowerment); collection and consolidation of gender-disaggregated data.

o   Dissemination of information such as on rights, rules of payment etc.

o   Policies: Implement gender mainstreaming into UNCAC and complementary policies (e.g. poverty alleviation); establishing focal points, platforms for discussion.

o   Strengthening of political will through supporting civil society and media, capacity building, identifying islands of change, building international partnership platforms (e.g. CHOC between the World Bank, UNDP, GTZ).

There was agreement that many steps to reduce corruption and to promote gender equality have to be made. In this sense, the workshop marked a beginning, best practices are still ahead.

Further contacts: mareike.zenker@gtz.de

Papers and power point presentations